Laser-Guided Wind Turbines

Saturday, April 3rd, 2010

Laser-guided wind turbines can prepare for the wind rushing toward their blades, so they can generate more useful energy and protect themselves from strong gusts:

The lasers act like sonar for the wind, bouncing off microscopically small particulates and back to a fiber optic detector. That data is fed to an on-board processor that generates a three-dimensional view of the wind speed and direction. Subtle adjustments in the turbine blade’s angle to the window allows it to capture more energy and protect itself in case of strong gusts.

The startup company that developed the Vindicator system, Catch the Wind, recently deployed a wind unit on a Nebraska Public Power District turbine. It increased the production of the unit (.pdf) by more than 10 percent, according to the company’s white paper. If those numbers held across the nations’ 35 gigawatts of installed wind capacity, the LIDAR (Light Detection and Ranging) sensors could add more than 3.5 gigawatts of wind capacity without adding a single additional turbine.

“This is what they call disruptive technology,” said William Fetzer, vice president of business development for Catch the Wind. “There are roughly 80,000 to 90,000 wind turbines out in the world, and they don’t have this technology.”

Wind farms are only as good as their data. There have been revolutions in assessing wind resources over long time-scales, but the short-term gustiness of the wind has remained a problem.

Current wind turbines rely on wind-measuring instruments known as anemometers that are mounted to the back of the turbine’s gear-housing unit, called a nacelle. The data from the wind is fed to a computer that optimizes the blades’ configuration to capture the most energy from the wind.

In many cases, cup anemometers, which took their current form in the 1930s, are still used. They work well enough, but have to be positioned behind the blades, which subjects them to turbulence. And, importantly, they can only tell you how fast the wind was blowing after it passed. That doesn’t help you with a freak gust of wind or any of the odd behavior that renewable energy developers have caught the wind exhibiting.

Placing massive, precision-made, fine-steel turbines and drive mechanisms out in the elements to corrode and degrade is still questionable though.

I Pledge Allegiance To Linguistic Obfuscation

Saturday, April 3rd, 2010

I pledge allegiance to linguistic obfuscation, says Geoff Nunberg:

Obscurity has been built into the pledge since Francis Bellamy created it in 1892. It was ostensibly designed to rouse the patriotic attachments of schoolchildren, particularly the recent immigrants who might need extra encouragement. But Bellamy obviously wasn’t thinking of all those little Solomons, Svens and Sergios when he chose to start with the words “I pledge allegiance.” That was an arcane scrap of feudal English that had made its last appearance in the loyalty oath that Confederate soldiers had to sign to recover their rights after the Civil War. But the reference was obscure to most people even in Bellamy’s time, and the words have always been utterly opaque to schoolchildren.

In fact, “pledge allegiance” is what linguists call a hapax legomenon, or hapax for short — an expression that only occurs in a single place in the language, like wardrobe malfunction, Corinthian leather or satisfactual. Or let’s not leave out my favorite, ginchiest. People don’t pledge allegiance to Hadassah or the U.S. Marines or Kappa Kappa Gamma, much less to other inanimate objects. We only use the words when we’re either quoting the flag pledge or riffing on it. So there’s no independent reference point, no way to know what you’ve just signed on for that you weren’t down for already.

Of course kids are mystified by most everything in the pledge. But “one nation under God” has the distinction of being a phrase that not even grown-ups are clear on. Congress inserted the words at the height of the Cold War in 1954 to underscore the difference between American values and those of the atheistic Communists. But its actual meaning is up for grabs. Does it affirm our faith in God or assert that we have his special protection? Is it a ceremonial deist formula with no especial religious character? Or is it merely a historical nod to the beliefs of the founders, as the 9th Circuit majority said? You can take this wherever you like, because “under God” is another hapax legomenon that doesn’t occur anywhere else in modern English. People don’t say things like “Western Europe isn’t under God anymore,” or “She only goes out with men who are under God.”

That ambiguity has certain advantages. But it actually came about because of a linguistic misunderstanding. The words were taken from the Gettysburg Address, where Lincoln asked his listeners to resolve that “this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom.” Except that in the Gettysburg Address, “under God” didn’t modify “this nation” but the following phrase, “have a new birth of freedom.” In Lincoln’s time, “under God” was a common idiom that meant “with God’s help” or “the Lord willing.” People used it to qualify a bald prediction or promise, mindful of the admonition against vainglory in the book of James.

Actually, my guess is that Lincoln would have inserted the words “under God” if he had written the Pledge of Allegiance, too, although he probably would have put them at the end. He would have been uncomfortable about describing the country as indivisible, just and free without adding a “God willing” somewhere.

I doubt if the people who pushed for inserting “under God” in the pledge realized they were changing the meaning of Lincoln’s words. Most of them would have had to learn the Gettysburg Address by heart back then, but nobody ever stopped to parse it, no more than children parse the Pledge of Allegiance now. Anyway, it doesn’t matter — what’s important is that Lincoln sanctified the words, however we’ve repurposed them. Whatever you take the phrase to mean, it gets the “G” word in there, which is enough to satisfy some people and offend others.

And it doesn’t matter much what schoolchildren make of the phrase, either. As Eric Hobsbawm once said, patriotic rituals exist to instill a sense of membership in a club, not to enumerate its bylaws.

Saving minority lives

Friday, April 2nd, 2010

The New York police can’t fight crime and save minority lives without generating disparate stop rates against those same minorities, Heather MacDonald explains:

According to police reports filed by victims of violent crime, blacks committed 66 percent of all violent crimes in the first half of 2009 — and 80 percent of all shootings. Together, blacks and Hispanics committed 98 percent of all shootings. Blacks committed nearly 70 percent of all robberies.

Whites, by contrast, committed 5 percent of all violent crimes in the first half of 2009. They committed 1.8 percent of all shootings, and less than 5 percent of all robberies.

(Hat tip to Foseti.)

Crunching Numbers In ‘The Hollywood Economy’

Friday, April 2nd, 2010

Newspapers breathlessly report weekly box-office numbers for Hollywood films, but the box office is not where Hollywood makes its money:

In 2007, the major studios had combined revenues of $42.3 billion, of which about one-tenth came from American theaters; the rest came from the so-called backend, which includes DVD sales, multi-picture output deals with foreign distributors, pay-TV, and network-television licensing.

The only useful thing that the newspaper box office story really provides is bragging rights: Each week, the studio with the top movie can promote it as “Number 1 at the box office.” Newspapers themselves are not uninterested parties in this hype: in 2008, studios spent an average of $3.7 million per title placing ads in newspapers.

Age and Politics

Friday, April 2nd, 2010

Our economic and social beliefs change as we age, according to the data mined from OKCupid‘s dating site, Curzon explains:

A teenager starts out loving freedom, socially and economically. When the teenagers enters the job market at the bottom of the pyramid, they quickly develop progressive economic ideas, while their youthful live-and-let-live social philosophy begins to fade.

As the teenager starts to make money, economic progressivism goes out the window, but social views don’t change that much. But after the mid-40s, as retirement looms, former teenagers check their collective 401(k)s and think, you know what, let’s all get checks from the government. It’s hard to tell why social views take a hard turn for the more restrictive.At the end of the journey, economic and social views are again in agreement, but opposite of what the libertarian teenager started out.

Curzon wonders to what extent this is a reflection of the beliefs of specific generations versus universal life cycles.

In a society where the educational system and the media assiduously push liberal social goals, we should expect the young to be more liberal than the old. That’s a fairly continuous shift; each generation is more liberal than the previous generation.

But, as Lexington Green points out, it’s no surprise why people become more socially conservative in their late 20s and early 30s: they have kids.

McKellar adds his thoughts, emphasizing that permissive and restrictive should be relabeled independent and dependent.

Young people take their social and economic dependence on their parents for granted, giving it scant value. Young adults and the elderly both are in financially precarious positions, and so would like to feel there’s an economic safety net they can depend on.As people mature into middle age, they become increasingly dependent on their long-term social relationships (e.g. spouses, family) and so cherish the social norms that keep those relationships stable and well-defined. Teenagers and young adults, having invested little in their relationships so far, can afford to be more adventurous in their lifestyle choices.