A clogged air filter was not an unusual occurrence, but it had to be replaced immediately

August 25th, 2026

Biohazard by Ken AlibekKen Alibek explains (in Biohazard) the Sverdlovsk anthrax leak of 1979:

The story went public a few months later—in a way. In November 1979, a Russian magazine published by anti-Soviet émigrés in what was then West Germany reported that an explosion in a military facility in the southwest section of Sverdlovsk had released a cloud of deadly bacteria the previous April. It claimed that as many as a thousand people had died. Western news agencies picked up the story, quoting U.S. intelligence officials who claimed that the accident was clear evidence of Soviet violation of the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention.

Moscow denied the reports. On June 12, 1980, a statement published by the official Soviet news agency TASS declared that there had only been a “natural outbreak of anthrax among domestic animals” in the Sverdlovsk region.

“Cases of skin and intestinal forms of anthrax were reported in people, because dressing of animals was sometimes conducted without observing rules established by veterinary inspections,” the statement said, adding that all of the patients had been treated successfully in local hospitals.

This was a lie, of course.

[…]

I learned the truth by talking to people who had been at the plant when the accident happened, and to army officers who had been in charge of the cleanup.

[…]

As I rose higher in The System, I applied some of the lessons of Sverdlovsk to the plants under my control.

[…]

On the last Friday of March 1979, a technician in the anthrax drying plant at Compound 19, the biological arms production facility in Sverdlovsk, scribbled a quick note for his supervisor before going home. “Filter clogged so I’ve removed it. Replacement necessary,” the note said.

[…]

The fermented anthrax cultures had to be separated from their liquid base and dried before they could be ground into a fine powder for use in an aerosol form, and there were always spores floating in the air. Workers were given regular vaccinations, but the large filters clamped over the exhaust pipes were all that stood between the anthrax dust and the outside world.

After each shift, the big drying machines were shut down briefly for maintenance checks. A clogged air filter was not an unusual occurrence, but it had to be replaced immediately.

Lieutenant Colonel Nikolai Chernyshov, supervisor of the afternoon shift that day, was in as much of a hurry to get home as his workers. Under the army’s rules, he should have recorded the information about the defective filter in the logbook for the next shift, but perhaps the importance of the technician’s note didn’t register in his mind, or perhaps he was simply overtired.

When the night shift manager came on duty, he scanned the logbook. Finding nothing unusual, he gave the command to start the machines up again. A fine dust containing anthrax spores and chemical additives swept through the exhaust pipes into the night air.

Several hours passed before a worker noticed that the filter was missing. The shift supervisor shut the machines down at once and ordered a new filter installed. Several senior officers were informed, but no one alerted city officials or Ministry of Defense headquarters in Moscow.

In the next few days, all the workers on the night shift of a ceramic-making plant across the street from the facility fell ill. The plant had been directly in the path of the wind that night. Within a week, nearly all of them were dead.

By then hospitals were admitting dozens of patients from other areas of town who had worked in the plant’s vicinity. Curiously, there were few women or children among the victims. Years later, some Western analysts wondered if the Soviets had developed a “gender weapon” capable of attacking only adult males. But women seldom worked night shifts in production plants, and few children would have been playing in the streets late on a Friday night.

[…]

That it happened on a Friday night helps explain why the workers were so anxious to get home and why so many people had passed by that evening, heading for a drink at a nearby bar.

[…]

The Soviet Union later claimed that 96 people were stricken with the disease and 66 died. The scientist who was working in the Sverdlovsk facility at the time told me the death toll was 105, but we will probably never know for sure.

[…]

Sverdlovsk residents were informed that the deaths were caused by a truckload of contaminated meat sold on the black market. Printed fliers advised people to stay away from “unofficial” food vendors. More than one hundred stray dogs were rounded up and killed, on the grounds that they represented a danger to public health after having been seen scavenging near markets where the meat was sold. Meanwhile, military sentries were posted in the immediate neighborhood of the plant to keep intruders away, and KGB officers pretending to be doctors visited the homes of victims’ families with falsified death certificates.

[…]

A Northwestern University physics professor named Donald E. Ellis, who was in Sverdlovsk at the time on an exchange program, reported that he noticed nothing unusual in the city. “I don’t exclude the possibility that something may have occurred,” he told The New York Times years later, “but I think either I or my wife would have sensed some effort to protect us from it. We … were not aware of any restrictions.”

[…]

“We couldn’t understand why people continued to die,” a general who was there told me much later. “We assumed that this was a quick, one-time exposure and that our mopping-up would be completed in a few days, but there were deaths for a month and a half after the release.”

The coverup was responsible for turning what began as a medical emergency into a small epidemic.

The local Communist Party boss, who was apparently told that there had been a leak of hazardous material from the plant, ordered city workers to scrub and trim trees, spray roads, and hose down roofs. This spread the spores further through “secondary aerosols”—spores that had settled after the initial release and were stirred up again by the cleanup blitz. Anthrax dust drifted through the city, and new victims arrived at the hospitals with black ulcerous swellings on their skin.

The cutaneous form of anthrax, contracted when spores enter the body through a cut or abrasion on the surface of the skin, occurs naturally in rural areas around the world, especially those with large herds of domestic cattle, sheep, and goats. It is the most common form of anthrax and is rarely lethal when treated with antibiotics such as penicillin. Russians refer to it as the “Siberian ulcer,” as it manifests itself through the formation of small and localized lesions on the surface of the skin. An outbreak of cutaneous anthrax in the region was credible, but it wouldn’t explain why so many factory workers, who could have had no contact with animals, were suddenly sick, or why so many died.

Anthrax spores can survive for years—even decades—in a dormant state. Animals will become infected while foraging for food. The spores germinate in a matter of hours and multiply in their hosts, returning to spore form when they die or on contact with oxygen. Men and women who work with infected animals—butchers, tanners, farmers, and workers in textile mills—become infected in turn through abrasions, by inhaling spores or drinking contaminated water, or, in rare cases, by eating contaminated meat.

[…]

Inhalational anthrax was first identified in the early nineteenth century when workers in a textile mill were exposed to spores released into the air by the new industrial processes developed to make wool. It is often called wool sorters’ disease.

As soon as an anthrax spore enters the body it germinates and begins to multiply. A few days will pass before the anthrax bacteria produce toxins which, in the simplest terms, bind to the protective membranes of target cells and cripple the ability of white blood cells to fight off disease. It is the toxin, and not the bacterium itself, that ravages the body and is responsible for death. If an anthrax victim is treated with high doses of penicillin injected into the bloodstream at short intervals for a week to ten days before the first toxins are released, chances of survival are almost 100 percent. But antibiotics can do little to fight the anthrax toxin. Combinations of penicillin and streptomycin have been used at this stage, but the prognosis is grim.

The headlong trajectory of pulmonary anthrax can be blocked if penicillin is administered before the first symptoms appear. I was told that thousands of Sverdlovsk residents were given antibiotics and vaccinated immediately after the first cases were reported, but it was too late to save the victims who had already begun to suffer from the fever, shortness of breath, and distinctive dark swellings along their chest and neck that mark the onset of pulmonary anthrax.

[…]

I was told by army personnel involved in the cleanup that the corpses of the victims were bathed in chemical disinfectants and that much of the documentary evidence, including hospital records and pathologists’ reports, was destroyed. To add verisimilitude to the cover story, several black-market vendors in Sverdlovsk were imprisoned on charges of selling contaminated meat.

[…]

The Communist Party chairman of Sverdlovsk at the time of the accident was Boris Yeltsin, the first leader of post-Soviet Russia.

[…]

In 1981, Brezhnev signed a secret decree ordering the relocation of all biological weapons-making equipment and materials from Sverdlovsk to Stepnogorsk, a small biological research facility operated by Biopreparat in the remote deserts of northern Kazakhstan.

[…]

For the good of our biological warfare program, Chernyshov’s mistake had to be kept quiet. A thorough investigation of what had happened in Compound 19 would raise too many awkward questions even inside our own government about our activities. This was further proof that secrecy was valued above all else in our system—even if it endangered our own safety. In the West, an accident of such magnitude would have been investigated ad nauseam and its lessons distributed, however quietly, to those working in similar areas. Our coverup virtually guaranteed further disasters.

A few months later I ran into another veteran of Sverdlovsk, Lieutenant Colonel Boris Kozhevnikov. In the year following the accident, he told me, a work crew was ordered to take a boxload of 250-liter containers filled with dried anthrax to storage bunkers inside Compound 19. Kozhevnikov had been assigned to escort the workers as they rolled the containers on carts toward the bunker a few hundred feet away. One cart hit a bump, and a container fell open. I was aghast.

“What did you do?” I asked him.

“I just closed it.” He shrugged.

Hastily, he added that he had ordered disinfectant poured everywhere. No one had fallen sick. And, of course, his superiors were not informed.

A high-fat Western diet alters bile acid metabolism by promoting certain gut bacteria that convert primary bile acids into DCA

August 24th, 2026

A new study published in the journal Gut points to deoxycholic acid (DCA), a substance produced when particular gut bacteria chemically transform bile acids made by the liver, as promoting tumor growth:

An international research team led by German institutions combined experiments in genetically modified pigs, mice, and lab-grown human colon tissue with an analysis of microbial data from thousands of people with and without colorectal cancer.

[…]

Most bile acids are later reabsorbed and returned to the liver, but a small proportion reaches the colon. There, bacteria capable of a process called 7-alpha-dehydroxylation can convert primary bile acids into secondary ones, including DCA.

Higher concentrations of DCA and the bacteria that produce it have previously been observed in people with colorectal cancer.

A 2024 study published in Immunity also found that DCA weakened the activity of immune cells that help attack tumors and promoted colorectal tumor growth in mice.

[…]

To investigate this more directly, the researchers first examined genetically modified pigs predisposed to developing polyps in the colon.

When the pigs were fed a Western-style diet, intestinal tumor development worsened. This was accompanied by higher DCA levels in their feces and increased proliferation of the epithelial cells lining the colon.

The researchers then treated some pigs with cholestyramine, a drug that binds bile acids in the digestive tract so they can be removed from the body.

With those bile acids removed, there was less excessive cell proliferation in the colon, strengthening the suspected connection between bile acids and tumor development.

The team next turned to germ-free mice, whose intestinal microbial communities could be precisely controlled.

Adding DCA-producing bacteria, including Clostridium scindens and Extibacter muris, to defined communities of gut microbes led to DCA production and increased the number of colon tumors in two different mouse models of colorectal cancer.

In another experiment, the researchers genetically modified the bacterium Faecalicatena contorta so it could no longer perform the reaction required to produce DCA.

Mice colonized with the genetically altered bacteria developed fewer colon tumors than those carrying the unmodified, DCA-producing strain.

The modified bacteria also caused less epithelial cell proliferation in human colon organoids – miniature, simplified versions of colon tissue grown in the laboratory.

To examine whether the same bacterial machinery was associated with colorectal cancer in people, the researchers analyzed microbial DNA from stool samples collected across several human cohorts. These data comprised 1,034 individuals with colorectal cancer and 1,108 without.

Genes involved in DCA production, particularly those associated with C. scindens and closely related bacteria, were found more frequently in people with colorectal cancer than in those without the disease.

Together, the findings support a possible chain of events: A high-fat Western diet alters bile acid metabolism by promoting certain gut bacteria that convert primary bile acids into DCA, and DCA stimulates abnormal cell proliferation, creating conditions that may support tumor growth.

A “Western diet” in this context may or may not be what Americans actually eat:

High fat, especially saturated fats (e.g., from anhydrous milk fat/butter, hydrogenated palm oil, or lard), often providing ~20–38% of energy from fat (or higher in some high-fat variants).

High refined carbohydrates/sugars, such as sucrose, fructose, white flour, or other simple carbs (replacing complex carbs/starch), contributing a large share of energy (e.g., ~47% from carbs in isocaloric designs).

Elevated cholesterol (e.g., 0.5–1.5% or added purified cholesterol).

Low fiber compared to healthier patterns (e.g., ~7 g/100 g diet vs. higher in whole-grain diets).

Protein at moderate levels (often ~13–15% of energy), plus vitamins/minerals to meet needs.

Overall higher energy density than control/standard diets; feeding may be isocaloric (matched calories) or ad libitum/excess to promote weight gain.

It was milky brown, the highest possible concentration

August 23rd, 2026

Biohazard by Ken AlibekKen Alibek describes (in Biohazard) a time he was called into the lab to handle a problem:

I stripped my clothes off and stuffed them into one of the lockers lining the walls. Then I walked into a second room, where a young nurse sat behind a desk. I had a nodding acquaintance with her outside the lab, having seen her walking her large dog, and was embarrassed at first to appear before her naked. But she always maintained a businesslike air as she wordlessly stuck a thermometer under my armpit and examined every inch of my body, including my teeth and gums. Any sign of bleeding from a cut or bruise, even from a nick while shaving, was grounds for barring further entry.

The buzz of the ventilators grew louder as I passed through the next rooms, picking up the separate items of my anti-plague suit: white socks and long johns, hood and cotton smock, respirator, goggles, boots, and gloves. The entire procedure was reversed on the way out, although the gloves were always the last to come off. Even with long practice, I never managed to complete the process in under fifteen minutes. That night, I was faster than usual.

[…]

The air pressure in the pipeline feeding one of the tularemia rooms had begun to drop precipitously. A technician had been working there an hour or so before, but she had gone home. She may have forgotten to reset the valves.

[…]

I opened the door and took a few steps inside. It was pitch black. I reached back, groping in the darkness for the light switch. When I finally hit the switch and looked down, I found I was standing in a puddle of liquid tularemia.

It was milky brown—the highest possible concentration. The puddle at my feet was only a few centimeters deep, but there was enough tularemia on the floor to infect the entire population of the Soviet Union.

[…]

I was only two feet or so from the doorway, but I was trapped. If I tried to back out I would bring the disease with me into the corridor—and, potentially, into the rest of the zone.

[…]

I poured the solution over my boots. He handed me more bottles as I moved backward, tiny step by tiny step, pouring all the time.

[…]

The change in air pressure must have caused the culture to escape through the filter system.

[…]

I tried to imagine what might have happened if I had lost my footing on the slippery floor.

[…]

When we regrouped in Zone One, I advised Nazil and the others to take the antibiotics we had on hand for emergencies.

[…]

It didn’t occur to me that such a minor mishap would need to be relayed up the chain of command, but the KGB chief in Kirov had called his bosses in Moscow, who called Kalinin early that morning.

By then, the story had become hopelessly mangled.

[…]

I had told Nazil and the others to take antibiotics, but for some inexplicable reason I hadn’t taken any myself.

[…]

By the time I’d left Building 107 that night, I had been completely disinfected. I must have caught the disease in a matter of seconds, between leaving the sanitary passageway and entering the shower. But how? Then it came to me. I must have brushed my face while taking off my mask and hood. A hundred cells, an amount smaller than a speck of dust, would have been enough to infect me through an imperceptible cut or scratch.

[…]

Tularemia can be inhaled or ingested or contracted through bites or scratches. It rarely passes directly from person to person, but it can be carried by fleas, ticks, rats, and other rodents and can enter the bloodstream through minor abrasions. The disease is marked by a sudden onset of fever and chills, often followed by an incapacitating headache. As soon as it enters the body, the bacteria will begin to multiply locally, gradually spreading to lymph nodes and distant organs, including the liver and spleen.

Even after successful antibiotics were developed in the 1940s, tularemia was considered an ideal weapon for the battlefield due to the speed with which it could overwhelm an opponent’s medical resources, leaving hospitals and physicians unable to cope with a flood of patients in need of constant treatment.

If taken immediately, antibiotics can contain the spread of the disease and kill invading bacteria in a matter of days. The later the drugs are administered, the longer a victim will suffer. Particularly acute cases have been known to linger for months.

Tetracycline was thought to be the best antidote for tularemia, but I had no way of knowing how well it would work against the strain we had produced in our lab. In exceptional cases, certain highly virulent strains are capable of overcoming ordinary antibiotic treatment and can be fatal.

I called a friend’s wife, a physician at the local hospital, and told her I needed tetracycline urgently. Under normal circumstances I would have required a prescription, but in a small town it was easy to cut corners.

“How much?” she asked, without registering the least surprise.

Calculating quickly, I asked for three times the customary dose. There were advantages to Soviet secrecy. I would have had a hard time getting that amount of tetracycline in the United States without a good explanation. I told her not to tell anyone.

I wanted a high-impact, crash dose. If it didn’t work, I’d have to check myself into the hospital. Self-treatment had its limitations.

[…]

By the end of the day, my fever had begun to drop. I stayed home the next day, after calling in with a cold. By Wednesday or Thursday, three days after my exposure, I was better, although I continued to take high doses of tetracycline for the next ten days. I was able to return to work the following Monday.

They evaluated Texas’s efforts not on predictable culture-war grounds, but on their educational merits

August 22nd, 2026

Within the span of 10 days, Robert Pondiscio notes, opinion pieces in The Atlantic and The New York Times did something remarkable that would have been hard to imagine even a few months ago:

They evaluated Texas’s efforts not on predictable culture-war grounds, but on their educational merits.

In his Times op-ed, veteran journalist James Traub writes that Texas is right to insist that students encounter a common body of important texts, including the Bible. Invoking E.D. Hirsch, Jr.’s work on cultural literacy, he notes that we become good readers “by acquiring the vocabulary, grammatical knowledge and stock of information that allow us to make sense of a text.” He praises Texas for moving away from a skills-based, content-neutral approach to reading instruction.

Similarly, poet and literary critic Adam Kirsch’s essay for The Atlantic argues that “for a high school graduate not to know about the parting of the Red Sea or the Sermon on the Mount is a disadvantage, for the same reason that not knowing about the Puritans or the Civil War is a disadvantage: It leaves them ill-equipped to understand America’s past, and therefore its present and future.” He points out, for example, the value of the Psalms for understanding Lincoln’s speeches or the Book of Jonah for reading Moby-Dick.

[…]

When you’re no longer confident that schools are producing capable readers at all, old arguments about what children should read—and how they should be taught to read—begin to sound different. If you’re honest and fair, you become open to other ideas.

If you could lift the roof, it would resemble a Russian matryoshka doll

August 21st, 2026

Biohazard by Ken AlibekKen Alibek describes (in Biohazard) the spotless gray three-story structure at Omutninsk that had been designated as the pilot plant for tularemia:

Building 107 was structured according to the box-within-a-box principle, to keep the deadliest organisms out of the surrounding countryside. If you could lift the roof, it would resemble a Russian matryoshka doll.

[…]

The outer shell of Building 107 was Zone One. It housed the offices of administrative and security personnel and laboratories used for noninfectious organisms. Workers dressed in plain white lab coats and white pants milled in the corridors. Daylight poured through the windows, and the walls were plastered with resolutely upbeat Party banners: “Fulfill our Five-Year Plan in four years!” “Long Live the Communist Party of the Soviet Union!” It was possible to spend an entire day in Zone One without being aware of what was happening deeper inside the building.

Zone Two contained “hot” laboratories for work with pathogenic materials, storage vaults, animal cages, and giant sixteen-ton and twenty-ton fermenters, which soared to the upper levels of the building.

Zone Three, nestled inside Zone Two, displayed the fruits of our engineering efforts since 1973: rows of gleaming steel centrifuges and drying and milling machines.

Both inner zones had their own air supply system. Noisy generators pumped air through an overhead latticework of exposed pipes, keeping the atmosphere inside at pressures slightly lower than normal to prevent contaminated air from seeping into Zone One. Hydrogen peroxide was sprayed into the air from nozzles in the ceiling. The distinctive smell of that particular disinfectant will stay with me forever. It wasn’t just its smell that made an impression: for the dozen or so years I worked inside the labs, my black hair was bleached a dirty blond.

She had been designed and built specifically to be Grand Fleet Headquarters, and nothing else

August 20th, 2026

As I’ve mentioned before, a modern warship’s Combat Information Center — that wonderfully telegenic room full of maps, computer consoles, and sweeping polar displays of radar and sonar echos — was, according to Rear Admiral Cal Laning, taken “specifically, consciously, and directly” from the spaceship Directrix in the Lensman novels of E.E. Smith, Ph.D.

Smith introduces Directrix in the fourth novel, Grey Lensman (1951, originally published in four parts, October 1939–January 1940, Astounding Science Fiction):

He jerked back to reality as he entered the gigantic teardrop which was technically the Z9M9Z, socially the Directrix, and ordinarily GFHQ. She had been designed and built specifically to be Grand Fleet Headquarters, and nothing else. She bore no offensive armament; but since she had to protect the presiding geniuses of combat, she had every possible defense.

Port Admiral Haynes had learned a bitter lesson during the expedition to Helmuth’s base. Long before that relatively small Grand Fleet got there he was sick to the core, realizing that fifty thousand vessels simply could not be controlled or maneuvered as a group. If that base had been capable of an offensive, or even of a real defensive, or if Boskone could have put their fleets into that star cluster in time, the Patrol would have been defeated ignominiously; and Haynes, wise old tactician that he was, knew it only too well.

Therefore, immediately after the return from that “triumphant” venture, he gave orders to design and to build, at whatever cost, a flagship capable of directing efficiently a million combat units.

The “tank”—the three-dimensional galactic chart which is a necessary part of every pilot room—had grown and grown as it became evident that it must be the prime agency in Grand Fleet Operations. Finally, in this last rebuilding, the tank was seven hundred feet in diameter and eighty feet thick in the middle—over seventeen million cubic feet of space in which more than two million tiny lights crawled hither and thither in hopeless confusion. For, after the technicians and designers had put that tank into actual service, they had discovered that it was useless. No available mind had been able either to perceive any situation as a whole, or to identify with certainty any light or group of lights needing correction. And as for linking up any particular light with its individual, blanket-proof communicator in time to issue orders in space combat—

Kinnison looked at the tank, then around the full circle of the million-plug board encircling it. He observed the horde of operators, each one trying frantically to do something. Next he shut his eyes, the better to perceive everything at once, and studied the problem for an hour.

“Attention, everybody!” he thought then. “Open all circuits—do nothing at all for a while.” He then called Haynes.

“I think that we can clean up this mess if you’ll send over some Simplex analyzers and the crew of technicians. Helmuth had a sweet set-up on multiplex controls, and Jalte had some ideas that we can adapt to fit this tank. If we add them all together, we may have something.”

And by the time Worsel arrived, they did.

“Red lights are fleets already in motion,” Kinnison explained rapidly to the Velantian. “Greens are fleets still at their bases. Ambers are the planets the greens took off from—connected, you see, by Ryerson string-lights. The white star is us, the Directrix. That violet cross ‘way over there is Jalte’s planet, our first objective. The pink comets are our free planets, their tails showing their intrinsic velocities. Being so slow, they had to start long ago. The purple circle is the negasphere. It’s on its way, too. You take that side, I’ll take this. They were supposed to start from the edge of the twelfth sector. The idea was to make it a smooth, bowl-shaped sweep across the Galaxy, converging upon the objective, but each of the fleet commanders apparently wants to run this war to suit himself. Look at that guy there—he’s beating the gun by nine thousand parsecs. Watch me pin his ears back!”

He pointed his Simplex at the red light which had so offendingly sprung into being. There was a whirring click and the number 449276 flashed above a board. An operator flicked a switch.

“Grand Fleet Operations!” Kinnison snapped. “Why are you taking off without orders?”

“Why, I … I’ll give you the vice-admiral, sir—”

“No time! Tell your vice-admiral that one more such break will put him in irons. Land at once! GFO—off!”

“With around a million fleets to handle, we can’t spend much time on anyone,” he thought at Worsel, “but after we get them lined up and get our Rigellians broken in, it won’t be so bad.”

The breaking in did not take long; definite and meaningful orders flew faster and faster along the tiny, but steel-hard beams of the communicators.

“Take off…. Increase drive four point five…. Decrease drive two point seven…. Change course to—” and so it went, hour after hour and day after day.

And with the passage of time came order out of chaos. The red lights formed a gigantically sweeping, curving wall, its almost imperceptible crawl representing an actual velocity of almost one hundred parsecs an hour. Behind that wall blazed a sea of amber, threaded throughout with the brilliant filaments which were the Ryerson lights. Ahead of it lay a sparkling, almost solid blaze of green. Closer and closer the wall crept toward the bright white star.

And in the “reducer”—the standard, ten-foot tank in the lower well—the entire spectacle was reproduced in miniature. It was plainer there, clearer and much more readily seen; but it was so crowded that details were indistinguishable.

Ken Alibek lost all sense of smell and had the broadest range of allergies of anyone he knew

August 19th, 2026

Biohazard by Ken AlibekKen Alibek explains (in Biohazard) that he has lost all sense of smell and had the broadest range of allergies of anyone he knows:

I can’t eat butter, cheese, eggs, mayonnaise, sausages, chocolate, or candy. I swallow two or three pills of anti-allergy medicine a day—more on bad days, when my sinuses start to drain. Every morning, I rub ointment over my face, neck, and hands to give my skin the natural lubricants it has lost. The countless vaccinations I received against anthrax, plague, and tularemia weakened my resistance to disease and probably shortened my life.

He’s writing that long before the current anti-vaccine craze.

The mass education of our public school system is a vast experiment on the effect of reducing all three of the above factors to minimal values

August 18th, 2026

Harold G. McCurdy explores The Childhood Pattern of Genius, writing in the 1950s:

In summary, the present survey of biographical information on a sample of twenty men of genius suggests that the typical developmental pattern includes as important aspects: (1) a high degree of attention focused upon the child by parents and other adults, expressed in intensive educational measures and, usually, abundant love; (2) isolation from other children, especially outside the family; and (3) a rich efflorescence of phantasy, as a reaction to the two preceding conditions. In stating these conclusions I by no means wish to imply that original endowment is an insignificant variable. On the contrary. Galton’s strong arguments on behalf of heredity appear to me to be well-founded; and in this particular sample the early promise of these very distinguished men cannot be dissociated from the unusual intellectual qualities evident in their parents and transmitted, one would suppose, genetically as well as socially to their offspring. It is upon a groundwork of inherited ability that I see the pattern operating. Whether the environmental phase of it summarized under (1) and (2) is actually causally important, and to what extent the environmental factors are related to the blossoming out of phantasy, are questions which could be examined experimentally, though obviously any thorough experiment would require both a great deal of money and a certain degree of audacity. It might be remarked that the mass education of our public school system is, in its way, a vast experiment on the effect of reducing all three of the above factors to minimal values, and should, accordingly, tend to suppress the occurrence of genius.

(I’ve mentioned this work before.)

Soviet biology was paralyzed

August 17th, 2026

Biohazard by Ken AlibekIn the early days of the Cold War, Ken Alibek explains (in Biohazard), when the USSR appeared to be leading the world in space and nuclear weapons technology, Soviet biology was paralyzed:

We had gone from being one of the world’s powerhouses of immunological and epidemiological research to a backwater of demoralized and discredited scientists. The cause was one man—a Russian agronomist named Trofim Lysenko.

[…]

Lysenko, who once bragged that he never reported the results of an experiment that contradicted his theories, claimed his work proved that environment was more important than heredity in the evolution of plants and animals. Calling genetics a bourgeois discipline that insulted the proletariat, he emerged as a paragon of the “new” Soviet science based on Marxist materialism.

[…]

Soviet biologists knew about the work in the West thanks to smuggled journals and reports, but research conducted in Russian labs was heavily restricted. The influence of Lysenko—who lived until 1976—was too powerful.

[…]

Only one scientist had the clout, and the courage, to speak up. His name was Yury Ovchinnikov, vice president of the Soviet Academy of Sciences and a renowned molecular biologist.

[…]

He decided to resolve the crisis in Russian biology by appealing to the self-interest of the masters of our militarized economy. In 1972, he asked the Ministry of Defense to support a genetics program devoted to developing new agents for biological warfare.

[…]

Ovchinnikov found an influential ally in Leonid Brezhnev. The one-time metallurgical engineer who led the Soviet Union for eighteen years until his death in 1982 regarded the magisterial akademiks of the Soviet scientific establishment with a respect bordering on awe. Ovchinnikov was soon giving private lectures on genetics to Brezhnev and his aides.

[…]

Launched by a secret Brezhnev decree in 1973, the program aimed to modernize existing biological weapons and to develop genetically altered pathogens, resistant to antibiotics and vaccines, which could be turned into powerful weapons for use in intercontinental warfare. The program was called Enzyme.

[…]

The Enzyme project focused on tularemia, plague, anthrax, and glanders—all diseases that had been successfully weaponized by our military scientists but whose effects had been undermined by the development of antibiotics. But there were many other agents under review, including viral agents such as smallpox, Marburg, Ebola, Machupo, Junin, and VEE.

[…]

Over the next decade, dozens of biological warfare installations disguised as centers of pharmaceutical or medical research were built throughout the country. In Leningrad, the Institute of Ultra-Pure Biopreparations was created to develop new techniques and equipment for cultivating pathogenic agents. At Omutninsk, in the pine forests near Kirov, a bacteriological research and weapons production facility was constructed alongside an old munitions plant operated by the Ministry of Defense. An entire “research city” for genetic engineering went up at Obolensk, just south of Moscow, and the Lyubuchany Institute of Immunology was established in Chekhov, also in the Moscow region, to investigate antibiotic-resistant disease strains. For work on viruses, the enormous Vector research and testing compound was built near the Siberian city of Novosibirsk.

[…]

Between 1979 and 1989, the Soviet Union conducted large-scale tests of an aerosol containing Bacillus thuringiensis—a harmless simulant—over the Novosibirsk region, using a plane with civilian markings. Similar experiments were run at a military proving ground near the city of Nukus in the Kara Kalpak Republic, and in the Caucasus. Another harmless agent, Serratia marcescens, was used in several tests conducted by the Institute of Biological Machinery inside the Moscow Metro system during the 1980s. Ballistic missiles containing simulants of biological agents were fired in tests over the Pacific Ocean between 1960 and 1980.

[…]

When our biological warfare program was operating at its peak level, in the late 1980s, more than sixty thousand people were engaged in research, testing, production, and equipment design throughout the country. This included some thirty thousand Biopreparat employees.

Money was never a problem. As late as 1990, when Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev was promising the world major cutbacks in our arsenals, I was authorized to spend the equivalent of $ 200 million, including $ 70 million for new buildings. The total figure spent that year on biological weapons development was close to a billion dollars.

‘…]

In April 1975, two months before I graduated from the Tomsk Medical Institute, a polite white-haired man in civilian clothes came from Moscow to the drab industrial town in Siberia where I had spent the previous two years in graduate study.

He wanted to meet several of the students who had specialized in epidemiology and infectious diseases. By then, I was one of them. In the intervening years, I had attended lectures on all forms of weapons of mass destruction and learned methods of protecting troops against nuclear, biological, and chemical attacks. No one ever suggested that we had a biological weapons program of our own. Instead, we were warned that as our enemies had them, it was vital for us to understand how they worked.

[…]

I also assumed he was not telling the entire truth when he spoke of biological defense. A special knowledge comes with growing up in a state like the Soviet Union. You were constantly alert to the probability that what you were being told had little relation to the message that was being conveyed.

[…]

“One more thing,” he called out. “Don’t tell your friends or teachers about this conversation. Not even your parents.”

The benefits of automatic license plate readers outweigh the dangers

August 16th, 2026

The benefits of automatic license plate readers outweigh the dangers, Richard Hanania argues:

There are now around 120,000 Flock cameras in operation across the US. These devices automatically read license plates and make their locations available to law enforcement. Flock now also makes it possible to look up cars by their descriptions, rather than just relying on plates. As one might expect, this has proved very useful in solving crimes. Just as predictably, it has caused a popular backlash.

[…]

On the plus side of this technology, a 2023 study from the company itself estimated that Flock cameras are used in solving 700K crimes each year, or approximately 10% of all reported crime in the US. This study involved surveying law enforcement agencies that were Flock customers, ending up with 123 respondents that provided data researchers considered adequate for analysis. They were asked “How many arrests have you made that can directly be attributed to the use of a Flock Safety camera?” and asked to provide corresponding case records.

From there, the authors make broader estimates of society at large. More recent research from Flock boasts about last year seeing 1,000,000 “cases supported” and helping to locate approximately 10,000 missing persons. The company estimates that its technology was involved in roughly one in five cases cleared in its customer jurisdictions.

These are absolutely massive benefits.

[…]

You would expect Flock cameras to have the biggest impact on auto theft, and here the results are particularly striking. In 2023, the crime reached a recent high. But in 2024, the Council on Criminal Justice, which relies on a sample of cities, estimated a 24% decline over the previous year. That was followed by an even larger drop of 27% in 2025, and a further 20% fall in the first half of 2026. Overall, this corresponds to a decline of over 50% in just three years.

[…]

Fifty known cases of stalking strike me as something that is barely worth mentioning in the context of plummeting crime rates. Moreover, these are all rogue actors, and they have been punished in cases where there is sufficient evidence that they’ve committed crimes, indicating that none of these instances are part of a larger plot to deprive large numbers of citizens of their rights.

Many of the ministry’s facilities were installed in the centers of towns and cities, to keep their military connection camouflaged

August 15th, 2026

Biohazard by Ken AlibekOne of the Soviets’ most successful biological warfare programs, Ken Alibek explains (in Biohazard), was created by the Ministry of Agriculture:

A special division was established to research and manufacture anti-livestock and anti-crop weapons. The division was given the uninspired title of Main Directorate for Scientific and Production Enterprises. The biowarfare program was code-named “Ecology.”

Scientists at the agriculture ministry developed variants of foot-and-mouth disease and rinderpest for use against cows, African swine fever for pigs, and ornithosis and psittacosis to strike down chickens. Like anti-personnel biological weapons, these agents were designed to be sprayed from tanks attached to Ilyushin bombers and flown low over a target area along a straight line for hundreds of miles.

This “line source” method of dissemination could cover large stretches of farmland. Even if only a few animals were successfully infected, the contagious nature of the organisms ensured that the disease would wipe out agricultural activity over a wide area in a matter of months.

Many of the ministry’s facilities were installed in the centers of towns and cities, to keep their military connection camouflaged. This suggests how little those who ruled our lives worried about our health.

Across the street from the apartment block where I grew up in Alma-Ata (now Almaty), the former capital of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Kazakhstan, a large, rusting factory served as a makeshift playground for children in the neighborhood. It was a fantastic world of hulking machinery and cavernous tunnels, made all the more alluring by the large Keep Out signs posted conspicuously on the property. We would crawl through the fence on afternoons after school and, shifting through piles of metal, would occasionally stumble on odd-smelling canisters, painted in army green. Luckily, we never managed to open them.

Many years later, going through some old reports, I discovered that the factory was used by the Ministry of Agriculture until the early 1960s to make anti-crop and anti-livestock agents. It was called Biokombinat.

Homeschooling done well delivers six evidence-backed benefits

August 14th, 2026

The honest list of homeschool benefits — the ones supported by representative-sample research, not advocacy material — is shorter and more conditional than Internet listicles might suggest:

Homeschooling done well delivers six evidence-backed benefits: pace customization, stronger family relationships, escape from a measurably toxic peer environment (40% of U.S. high schoolers report persistent sadness, per the CDC’s 2023 YRBS), higher-quality cross-age friendships, higher life satisfaction in long-term homeschoolers (Cheng & Watson, 2025), and time for deep, interest-driven work. These homeschool benefits hold when families build intentional social structure. They weaken sharply without it.

[…]

In the 2024–25 school year, roughly 3.4 million American children — about 6.3% of K-12 — were homeschooled. That share has nearly doubled since 2019. Homeschooling is now growing at about 5.4% annually for 2024–25 — roughly three times the pre-pandemic rate of ~2% — per Johns Hopkins’ Homeschool Hub, which tracks the data state by state. Ten states hit their highest-ever enrollment in 2024–25 — exceeding even the pandemic peak. The federal numbers tell the same story from a different angle. The Department of Education’s 2023 National Household Education Survey reports the share of K-12 students homeschooled rising substantially between 2018–19 and 2022–23.

[…]

The stereotype is white, rural, religious, wealthy. The stereotype is wrong.

Start with the federal data. The NHES 2023 survey — the gold standard for this category, with 19,562 K-12 students sampled between January and August of 2023 — gives the cleanest picture available. Homeschooling has grown across nearly every demographic line. The portion of homeschoolers who are White dropped 4 percentage points from 1998 to 2023. About 41% of homeschool families are now non-white or Hispanic, with the fastest growth among Black and Latino families. The Mississippi State team writing in The Conversation in 2026 tracks the same shift.

The income picture is even more counterintuitive. NCES Condition of Education data shows households earning $25,000–$49,999 homeschool at higher rates (8.8%) than households earning more than $150,000 (5.5%). That’s not what most people imagine when they hear “homeschool family.”

What predicts whether a family continues to homeschool? The Mississippi State research, surveying parents who started during the pandemic and continued after schools reopened, found the strongest single predictor wasn’t income, education level, or political affiliation. It was flexibility of work arrangements — whether at least one parent had a schedule that could accommodate being home during the day. The shift to remote and hybrid work that the pandemic accelerated didn’t just keep homeschooling alive past 2022. It restructured the population that could plausibly do it.

[…]

40% of U.S. high school students experienced persistent feelings of sadness or hopelessness in the past year. Among girls, the figure is 53%. The 2013 baseline was 30%. The 2023 number is up by a third in a decade, with no sign of inflection. One in five high schoolers seriously considered suicide. Nearly one in ten attempted it.

Then there is the peer environment. The CDC YRBS 2023 found 19% of high schoolers were bullied at school, up from 15% in 2021. The Pew Research analysis of cyberbullying data found 46% of teens reporting they’ve experienced cyberbullying.

[…]

A classroom of 25 students has to target the median learner. Move too fast, half the class is lost. Move too slow, half is bored. The structural pace is always wrong for most of the room.

[…]

Long-term homeschoolers (8–13 years of homeschooling) had the lowest depression and anxiety scores and the highest life satisfaction scores of any educational group studied.

[…]

Traditional schooling fragments attention by design. Forty-five-minute periods. Bells. Forced transitions between unrelated subjects. The structural assumption is that no academic activity should sustain longer than 45 minutes — an assumption that breaks the moment you watch a teenager who actually cares about something. A 14-year-old who has spent four hours reading a single novel, three hours coding a single feature, or a full afternoon working a single math problem to its bottom is doing something the school day structurally cannot let them do.

[…]

Peter Gray’s work at Boston College has tracked this for decades. His book Free to Learn and his survey with Gina Riley of 232 unschooling families (2013) find consistent patterns of deep, sustained, interest-driven work when kids are given the time. Daniel Greenberg’s longitudinal data from the Sudbury Valley School — a fully self-directed K-12 environment operating since 1968 — shows the same.

[…]

Self-Determination Theory, developed by Edward Deci and Richard Ryan, identifies three universal psychological needs that predict motivation and wellbeing: autonomy (feeling self-governed), competence (feeling capable), and relatedness (feeling connected). When all three are met, motivation rises. When any is systematically thwarted, both motivation and wellbeing fall. The 2020 Ryan and Deci review in Contemporary Educational Psychology is the canonical citation.

[…]

SDT is one of the most replicated frameworks in motivational psychology. Yang and colleagues’ 2022 systematic review covered 31 longitudinal studies and 20,804 participants and found autonomy support consistently predicts rising classroom engagement; autonomy thwarting consistently predicts disengagement. The mechanism is established. The application to homeschool is direct: environments that genuinely support autonomy produce different outcomes than environments that don’t.

[…]

In 2014, Homeschool Alumni Reaching Out (HARO) conducted the largest survey of homeschool alumni to date — 3,702 respondents, with data analysis support from the Coalition for Responsible Home Education. About 26% reported poor, very poor, or no socialization during their homeschool years. The quality of socialization predicted how prepared they felt for adult life.

The sample is self-selected. The alumni who answered the survey were the ones motivated to answer it, which skews toward people who have a story to tell. But the size of the sample is large enough that the figure can’t be dismissed as a few outliers. And it converges with the qualitative findings of Daniel Hamlin and Albert Cheng’s 2022 mixed-methods study in the Journal of School Choice, which interviewed 31 former homeschoolers and surveyed 140 more. Most reported their social needs were met. A meaningful subset described “culture shock” transitioning into adult environments.

The 25% are not random. They are concentrated in families that homeschooled in isolation — without co-ops, sports, mixed-age peer access, or structured community. The 75% who reported positive experiences are concentrated in families that built intentional social structure.

[…]

Pure unschooling — total absence of routine — underperforms. Pure replication of school at home underperforms. The middle path is real structure (a routine, deliverables, accountability, scheduled check-ins) with real freedom inside it. Strong homeschool families operate more like a deliberately scaffolded environment than like either a classroom or a free-for-all.

In 1946, a year after the war ended, a new army biological research complex was established at Sverdlovsk

August 13th, 2026

Biohazard by Ken AlibekThe Soviet Union’s approach to biological warfare took a new turn in September 1945, Ken Alibek explains (in Biohazard), when Soviet troops in Manchuria overran a Japanese military facility known as Water Purification Unit 731:

The unit, commanded by Lieutenant General Shiro Ishii, experimented with anthrax, dysentery, cholera, and plague on U.S., British, and Commonwealth POWs. During the Japanese invasion of Manchuria, porcelain canisters of fleas infected with plague and other primitive biological weapons were used in air raids that killed thousands of rural Chinese.

The captured Japanese documents were sent to Moscow, where they made absorbing reading. They included blueprints for biological warfare assembly plants, far larger and more complex than our own. Japan’s program had been organized like a small industry, with a central production facility fed by continuous research and development.

[…]

In 1946, a year after the war ended, a new army biological research complex was established at Sverdlovsk.

Tubi has more than 110 million monthly active users

August 12th, 2026

I didn’t realize that Tubi was owned by Fox, but I’m not at all surprised that it has taken off, with more than 110 million monthly active users:

“It really feels like we are seeing both in Tubi’s results and in the market a clear validation of a strategy that Tubi has believed in and been executing for over a decade, which is the power of free streaming, and our belief that consumers — especially this next generation — increasingly want premium entertainment, they want choice, they want it to be on-demand, and they don’t want to have to pay more and deal with rising prices and paywalls and fragmentation,” [CEO Anjali] Sud tells The Hollywood Reporter in an interview, noting that other platforms like Disney are contemplating free tiers, while other premium players like Netflix push into the ad-supported business. “I think it’s encouraging that others are seeing the potential that we’ve long believed in in free streaming, and I think it’s validating that that is where the market is going.”

People like free stuff even more than they hate advertising.

The real allure is that they have plenty of classics.

The casualties inflicted by a brutal epidemic of typhus from 1918 to 1921 made a deep impression on the commanders of the Red Army

August 11th, 2026

Biohazard by Ken AlibekA year after taking power in 1917, Ken Alibek explains (in Biohazard), the Bolshevik government plunged into a savage conflict with anti-Communist forces:

Red and White armies clashed from Siberia to the Crimean Peninsula, and by the time hostilities ended in 1921, as many as ten million people had lost their lives. The majority of the deaths did not result from injuries on the battlefield. They were caused by famine and disease.

The casualties inflicted by a brutal epidemic of typhus from 1918 to 1921 made a deep impression on the commanders of the Red Army.

[…]

In 1928, the governing Revolutionary Military Council signed a secret decree ordering the transformation of typhus into a battlefield weapon. Three years earlier the fledgling Soviet government had signed an international treaty in Geneva banning the use of poison gas and bacteriological weapons. The weapons program was placed under the control of the GPU (the State Political Directorate), one of the predecessors of the KGB. It would continue to be supervised by state security organs until the early 1950s.

The 1928 decree represented a momentous decision. Bred in the unsanitary conditions of the battlefront or the slum, epidemic typhus has ravaged mankind for centuries. It is carried by lice from one infected person to another and cannot reproduce outside its host. Unlike typhoid fever, which is caused by salmonella bacteria, typhus is a rickettsial disease, carried by tiny rod-shaped microorganisms.

Once inside the body, the rickettsiae swarm through the blood, breaking down the cell walls of blood vessels as they multiply. Around seven to ten days after infection, victims will abruptly develop the first symptoms, beginning with throbbing headaches and a high fever. The stricken tissues become inflamed as they try to fight off the invaders, triggering a rash that spreads over the body. Spots of gangrene will sometimes appear on fingertips and other extremities as blood circulation slows down. Without treatment, the disease will send its victims into weeks of delirium and is fatal in 40 percent of cases.

Improvements in hygiene eradicated epidemic typhus from most of western Europe in the twentieth century, but it continues to afflict Africa, parts of South America, and Asia. A typhus vaccine was developed during World War II, though it is rarely used today, other than to immunize travelers to regions where the disease remains endemic. Administered in three separate doses over the course of five months, it provides almost complete protection from the disease. It was at one time also used for treatment, but it has been replaced in that capacity by antibiotics.

When the Soviet Union first turned to typhus, there was no known way to control or contain this relentlessly efficient killer. The question facing our scientists was how to harness that efficiency.

Infecting lice with typhus and spreading them among a target population was not practical. Eventually someone hit on the idea of breeding typhus in the labs and spraying it in an aerosol form from airplanes.

Early biological weapons work involved primitive methods. The pathogens were bred in chicken embryos or in live animals such as rats that were killed when the concentration of pathogens was highest and were liquefied in large blenders. The liquid was then poured into explosives.

I learned about the 1928 decree and the early typhus experiments from a set of old reports at the Ministry of Defense. Summaries of experiments and testing, they were purposefully short on detail. No one wanted to commit the full information to paper.

[…]

The first attempts to cultivate typhus in the lab employed chicken embryos. Thousands of chicken eggs were sent each week to the Leningrad Military Academy—at a time when most Soviet citizens were lucky to get one full meal a day. By the 1930s, the Leningrad Academy had produced powdered and liquid versions of typhus, for use in a primitive aerosol.

[…]

The Leningrad Military Academy sent some of its scientists and equipment one hundred miles north to the White Sea, a barren Arctic expanse flecked with tiny islands used to house political prisoners. By the mid-1930s Solovetsky Island, one of the largest, was the second major site of the Soviet biological warfare program.

At Solovetsky, a Soviet prison which later became the hub of Stalin’s “Gulag Archipelago” concentration-camp system, scientists worked with typhus, Q fever, glanders, and melioidosis (an incapacitating disease similar to glanders). Solovetsky’s large laboratory compound was built by prison labor. Many of the prisoners may also have been involuntary participants in our earliest experiments with biological agents.

The summary reports compiled by the Ministry of Defense describe several dozen cases of melioidosis from that period. The material I saw was intentionally vague as to whether humans were involved, but the way the case reports were arranged—with nineteen in one group, eleven in another, and twelve in yet another—suggested an irregular pattern not usually associated with animal testing. And the symptoms described could only have been experienced by human subjects. There have been repeated allegations in the West about Soviet germ warfare experiments on humans, but I have seen no other reports to indicate that these took place after the 1930s.

The research exacted a grim toll on our scientists. One account of a test with plague in the late 1930s ended with a cryptic note: “This experiment was not finished due to the death of the researcher.” Another from the same period reported that twenty workers had been infected with glanders during experiments. The report didn’t say where these experiments took place, or whether the workers had died, but in the days before antibiotics, death on exposure was virtually certain.

[…]

The lieutenant colonel who told me about the tularemia production line at Kirov also suggested that an outbreak of Q fever among German troops on leave in Crimea in 1943 was the result of an attempt to use another one of the biological warfare agents developed by his facility. I was never able to investigate this further, but Q fever was practically unheard of in Russia prior to that outbreak.