Why has Italy been spared mass terror attacks in recent years?
Some experts say Italy has been able to combat the threat of Isis domestically by mastering legal and policing tools developed through years of experience in mafia investigations, which in turn were born out of the so-called “years of lead” — the period between the late 1960s and early 1980s marked by acts of political terrorism by left- and right-wing militants.
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According to figures released by the Italian interior ministry, counter-terrorism authorities stopped and questioned 160,593 people between March 2016 to March 2017. They stopped and interrogated about 34,000 at airports and arrested about 550 suspected terrorists, and 38 have been sentenced on terrorism charges. More than 500 websites have been shut down and nearly half a million have been monitored.
Giampiero Massolo, who served as the director of Italian intelligence from 2012 to 2016, said there was not a particular “Italian way” to combat terrorism.
“We learned a very harsh lesson during our terrorism years,” he said. “From that we drew the experience of how important it is to maintain a constant dialogue at the operating level between intelligence and law enforcement forces. In fact, prevention is key to try to be effective in counter-terrorism.”
He added: “Another feature is to have a good control of the territory. From this point of view, the absence of [French] banlieues-like spots in Italian major cities, and …[the predominance] of small and medium towns makes it easier to monitor the situation.”
There are also more specific practices. Arturo Varvelli, a senior research fellow and terrorism expert at the thinktank Ispi, said the lack of second- and third-generation Italians who might be susceptible to Isis propaganda meant authorities instead focused on non-citizens, who could be deported at the first signs of concern. Since January, 135 individuals had been expelled, he said.
Italian authorities also rely on intercepted phone calls, which unlike the UK can be used in evidence in court and — in cases related to mafia and terrorism — can be obtained on the basis of suspicious activity and not solid evidence.
Much like the fight against Italian organised crime — the Camorra around Naples, the Cosa Nostra in Sicily, and the ’Ndràngheta in the south — infiltrating and disrupting terror networks requires breaking close social and even family relationships.
People suspected of being jihadis are encouraged to break ranks and cooperate with Italian authorities, who use residency permits and other incentives, Galli said. There has been a recognition, too, of the dangers of keeping terror suspects in jail where, much like mafia bosses before them, prison is seen as a prime territory for recruiting and networking.
“I think we have developed experience in how to deal with a criminal network. We have lots of undercover agents who do a great job of intercepting communication,” she said.
While Italians authorities are seen as having broad powers, police do not have special powers to detain terror suspects without charge. Terror suspects may be held for up to four days without charge, just like any other suspect. However, Italy has been criticised by the European court of human rights for holding defendants too long once they have been charged and are awaiting trial.
Galli said there was no groundswell of concern about whether Italy’s tactics violated civil liberties. The broad use of surveillance — including intercepted communication — is seen as sufficiently targeted to terror and mafia suspects, unlike public criticism in Italy of sweeping data collection methods used in the US and UK.
Because the Gladio network was rooted up in Italy.